The creation of next-generation "intelligent" surveillance systems capable of sensing group- and individual-behavioral changes could be deployed across U.S. airports and other transportation centers -- if the Transportation Security Administration (TSA) can indeed achieve such a capability. The agency's wish-list of new surveillance capabilities includes "micro-behavior detection," an outcome which TSA seeks to accomplish, for instance, via automated recognition of changes in facial expressions "that indicate stress and other anomalies," according to a procurement document that The Peacock Report has located. TSA's Office of Security Technology seeks to create additional micro-behavior detection capabilities such as the "detection and identification of nervous related actions" such as sweating and pacing, the document says.
The first step that TSA's "Intelligent Closed-Circuit Television" (ICCTV) project will take toward achieving this capacity is an assessment of commercially available "automated and semi-automated technology," according to a TSA Request for Information (RFI) dated Feb. 24. Assessing and cataloging these technologies could be followed by subsequent contracting actions necessary to bring about "an easily-integrated 'system of systems,'" the RFI says:
It is envisioned that such a video system… could be part of an integrated approach to enhancing the security of the national transportation system in the United States by means of remote surveillance… The objective of this RFI is to solicit input from industry related to technologies with operational capabilities that enhance and automate or are capable of automating some of the remote surveillance processes and tools available to meet the TSA’s requirements.
The ICCTV system that TSA envisions likewise would be capable of "macro-behavior detection." Such capabilities would include "individual-level anomaly detection," enabling the agency to spot people "walking in the wrong direction" or simply loitering. That surveillance function would unfold concomitant with the automated or human "tracking or following of individuals within a facility" using multiple cameras, it said. Similarly, it hopes to deploy remote surveillance tools to agents in the field who could tap into this system.
TSA points out that it is carrying out its post-9/11 congressional mandate to deploy advanced technologies that modify and enhance the agency's airport-screening checkpoint capabilities and infrastructure. Such enhancements later could be employed in settings other than airports, according to the RFI:
Finding solutions that secure the aviation transportation mission is the primary focus for this RFI in the near term, but the TSA is interested in the eventual application of operationally effective and suitable security screening technologies for other transportation modes as well.
Rise of Surveillance State ' Not Our Fight, ' AT & T Lobbyist Says
The telecom industry has been unwilling to oppose the rise in U.S. government electronic monitoring of the population for a sole reason -- the emergence of the post-9/11 Surveillance State doesn't have an impact on its bottom line, an influential AT&T lobbyist once advised me. Unlike the Communications Assistance for Law Enforcement Act (CALEA), which required companies to make their networks "digital-wiretap friendly," the government's expansive wiretapping powers under the USA Patriot Act didn't cost telecom providers a dime, he said.
I was covering Capitol Hill at the time of the 2001 terrorist attacks, working for Washington, D.C.-based Warren Communications News, publisher of investigative newsletters such as Communications Daily and Washington Internet Daily. Having written hundreds of articles about CALEA for Warren and my previous employers -- Telecommunications Reports International and Inside Washington Publishers -- I was surprised when industry failed to weigh in on the Patriot Act, which had taken center stage on the Hill and at the Bush White House. I reminded my AT&T source that industry and privacy groups stood side-by-side against the FBI and the Clinton Administration during the battle over CALEA, for which they jointly filed court briefs, simultaneously screamed about the multibillion-dollar price tag of the mandatory upgrades, and held hands as they signaled the alarm to Americans about the law's purportedly detrimental affect on consumer costs and privacy.
"The answer is simple," according to the lobbyist, who spoke under condition of anonymity. "It isn't our fight. Why should we argue with the federal government over something that costs us nothing? We've got other things to worry about."
How blessed I was to have an industry insider provide me with such a candid explanation. Consequently, it didn't come as a shock to personally witness Walter McCormick, then-president of the U.S. Telecom Association (USTA), telling former Attorney General John Ashcroft a few months later, "Our industry is the best partner in the country" for your electronic surveillance program. Ashcroft, the keynote speaker at the March 1, 2002, Policy Conference Breakfast, then took the stage alone to beseech -- no, scare the crap out of -- the industry attendees of the USTA event to stay out of the FBI's way. Ashcroft went as far to say that U.S. Special Forces had found documents -- in an Afghanistan cave, no less -- indicating a greater need for telecom carriers to open their networks to the government.
"If given the opportunity, extremists would cripple our telecommunications infrastructure," Ashcroft continued. "We must disrupt those plans."
In a follow-up interview with author Wayne Madsen, who at the time was senior fellow at the Electronic Privacy Information Center, Madsen was dumbfounded at McCormick's enthusiasm to become an "avid partner" of the government. Madsen, like myself, had vivid memories of industry virtually skipping along in joyful harmony with its privacy-activist partners as they opposed imminent surveillance-creep.
"I didn't know that companies were more interested in becoming government partners rather than providing services to consumers," Madsen told me.
We now know that most carriers willingly supplied the National Security Agency with consumer phone-records. The American public now knows that the Executive Branch of the U.S. government believes it can intercept the communications of its citizens without court authorization -- authorization which was easy to obtain and rarely denied before 9/11, and is even easier to obtain since the passage of the Patriot Act. We now know that most phone companies -- with the exception of Qwest -- don't give a damn about your privacy, unless it's costing them money to violate it.
Posted on 05/25/2006 at 12:00 AM in Commentary, Surveillance & Privacy | Permalink
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